Aug 16, 2024 Medha MakhloufHealth Law
When I was growing up, every two years or so, my family would spend the summer in India, from where my parents immigrated to the United States. For many hours on those long, hot days, when our cousins were at school or work, my bookish siblings and I read whatever we could find around the house that was printed in English: musty paperbacks of The Famous Five and The Hardy Boys, women’s magazines like Femina, and every page of any English-language newspaper – including the matrimonial ads. We were children raised in the United States, so we cackled over the frequent use of the word “homely” to describe women who were purportedly good at domestic labor and at ads that described suitors as having “no vices.” However, among the bewildering array of “biodata” listed in these ads were descriptors of skin tone: “very fair,” “fair” or “wheatish” (never “toffee,” “chestnut,” or “dark”). The Matrimonial section is where I first encountered the idea of skin color as social capital. My understanding of the societal conflation of light skin tone with beauty was reinforced in the ubiquitous ads (in magazines, on television and billboards) for Fair & Lovely, a skin-lightening cream. These ads featured the biggest Bollywood stars who, in the “after” images, had skin so light it would meet Victorian beauty ideals.
I recalled these experiences as I read Collen Campbell’s recently published article, which uses, as a case study, the under-regulation of skin-lightening creams to illustrate the need for intersectionality analyses in U.S. food and drug law. Safety concerns about cosmetics have been trivialized in food and drug law because of its “characterization as a superficial beautifying agent and its feminization, since women are its primary consumers.” Beauty products whose primary consumers are women of color are even more neglected, leaving these consumers more vulnerable to toxic exposures and compounding existing health disparities. Continue reading "Regulating Skin Lightening Products: A Case Study of Structural Forces Shaping Inequities in Health"
Aug 15, 2024 Dara E. PurvisFamily Law
If you do not read as much about celebrity gossip as I do, you likely missed recent news that Shiloh Jolie-Pitt, the child of actors Angelina Jolie and Brad Pitt, filed to remove “Pitt” from her name within days of her eighteenth birthday. The split between Jolie and Pitt was sparked by an alleged incident of domestic violence and several of Jolie’s other children have already informally dropped “Pitt” from their names, so the petition itself is unsurprising. Also unsurprising, however, is that every article I saw about the name change petition included Brad Pitt in the headline—so no matter what her legal name will be, Shiloh will continue to be identified as Brad Pitt’s daughter.
But what if she could also petition to sever that link? The story reminded me of a fascinating article published last year by Sean Hannon Williams arguing that adult children should have exit rights from the parent/child relationship and mapping out several versions of what that exit might look like. Professor Williams uses a less sensational but more concrete example to illustrate the need for exit rights; an acquaintance raised by an abusive mother used an adult adoption to sever her legal relationship with her biological mother. Williams points out that the adult adoption was only possible because the woman’s stepmother was willing to become a replacement legal mother—in the absence of someone willing to take on that legal status, his acquaintance would have no ability to legally separate herself from her biological mother. He asks why adult children should be “trapped in a legal relationship that they never consented to,” (P. 668) and spends the rest of his article outlining the why and how of exit rights for adult children. Continue reading "Family Law Exit Rights: A Provocatively Slippery Slope"
Aug 14, 2024 Aya GruberCriminal Law
U.S. foreign policy was built on a foundation of sexual conservatism. This is Eva Payne’s bold thesis, which at first blush seems to afford an outsized role to sexual politics in global policy. Yet upon reflection, it makes perfect sense that there is an international manifestation of America’s well-documented domestic intertwining of “sexuality and statecraft.” Scholars of global law and policy have long recognized the phenomenon of “American exceptionalism,” which is the nation’s Janus-faced self-representation as a uniquely exemplary nation that need not accept international consensus or law and also a world leader with a prominent role to play in collective global affairs. Scholars of American sexuality and sexual regulation have demonstrated how U.S. authorities’ preoccupation with dangerous sexuality shaped criminal and family law, border policies, the contours of the public street, and the federal policing apparatus. Indeed, the mutually constitutive relationship between American-style sex-aversion and the American penal state is the topic of my forthcoming book The Crime of Sex. Payne, a historian, brings together these two seemingly disparate subjects of legal and historical analysis—international relations and sexual regulation—and demonstrates their interconnectedness through an eminently readable chronological tale based on painstakingly detailed historical, legal, and archival research.
The story begins roughly in the mid-nineteenth century, when the America of mostly rural sprawl began to more resemble its urban British and continental counterparts, and the cities brought with them a flourishing sexual culture. Britain and France had long wrestled with how to approach commercial sex, the least offensive term for which was “prostitution.” All three governments were particularly concerned with syphilis, which sexist state officials blamed exclusively on the “filthy” and “fallen” women. Accordingly, authorities singularly focused on controlling prostitutes as the solution to the pressing public health problem. In Europe, authorities favored the regulation model, a quite dystopian system where women bought licenses to work in commercial sex, and their funds lined the pockets of corrupt bureaucrats and paid for compulsory testing, quarantine, and painful invasive and ineffective treatments. Poor women, women of color, and victims of settler colonialism, like the Indian women under British rule, endured the worst treatment by police and public health officials. Continue reading "American Sexual Exceptionalism"
Aug 13, 2024 Ann LiptonCorporate Law
Hilary J. Allen,
Interest Rates, Venture Capital, and Financial Stability, __
U. Ill. L. Rev. __ (forthcoming), available at
SSRN (March 8, 2024).
The last decade has seen a transformation in patterns of corporate organization. Enabled by loosened restrictions on private capital raising, venture capital firms have fueled the creation of a new ecosystem of large, privately held “unicorn” companies that are so well capitalized that they have not sought to access the public markets. That shift has been accompanied by a host of new questions about optimal governance arrangements, fiduciary obligations, the positive externalities of securities disclosure, fraud prevention, the role of shareholder agreements, and the disciplining effect of the capital markets.
In her new paper, Interest Rates, Venture Capital, and Financial Stability, forthcoming in the Illinois Law Review, Professor Hilary Allen adds a new question: what are the risks to financial stability? Allen claims that low interest rates fueled the growth of venture capital, which is itself prone to inflating bubbles and exacerbating panics. She ultimately argues that financial regulators need to be more attuned to unexpected places where funding tends to flow during periods of accommodative monetary policy. Continue reading "Venture Capital and Financial Stability"
Aug 12, 2024 Robert HillmanContracts
Kimberly D. Krawiec, Nathan B. Oman,
The Case for Specific Performance of Personal Service Contracts, 110
Iowa L. Rev. __ (forthcoming, 2025), available at
SSRN (May 17, 2024).
Professors Krawiec and Oman’s insightful new article caught my eye, having myself challenged various contract remedial rules in my research and writing over the years. The title of the Professors’ article made me wonder, however, whether the authors can convince readers that the seemingly inviolate rule against specific performance of personal service contracts should be overturned. But it turns out that the call for specific performance in the article actually applies to a quite limited set of personal service contracts, with the rule against specific performance still governing most such contracts. Despite the title, the authors have a good explanation for why their more narrow thesis is important: Personal service contracts that should be subject to specific performance are “legally and economically significant.” (P. 58.)
Early on, the authors clarify that their goal is to show that specific performance should not be ruled out and the general rules governing equitable remedies should apply if the breaching employee is wealthy, sophisticated, and money damages are incalculable or insufficient to make the employer whole. Further, courts should consider specific performance only when a reasonable substitute employee is not available. In addition, specific performance would only apply if the parties agreed to the remedy in their contract and would never apply if the employee had little bargaining power nor to contracts with at-will employees (the latter for obvious reasons). Finally, the duration of a specific performance order would be limited to one year or less. Thus, the authors would target for specific performance fixed-term contracts between employers and employees such as sports figures, entertainers, and teachers, and even in these instances the typical flexible rules of equitable remedies would apply so that specific performance would not be automatic. Continue reading "The Case Against Static Contract Remedies"
Aug 9, 2024 Jaya Ramji-NogalesLexImmigration
Immigration law as a field of scholarly inquiry is largely critical of the status quo, with much of the literature describing inequities authorized by law and implemented through policy. An increasing number of these works foreground the work that race performs in perpetrating and perpetuating injustice in the immigration system. Yet there remains a profound silence around the question of blackness in migration. Modern Migrations, Black Interrogations begins to dismantle that silence, presenting the reader with “the unasked question” in the field of migration studies. (P.1.) This critique of antiblackness upends existing assumptions and presents important new directions for scholarly inquiry in immigration law.
As the Introduction to this edited volume explains, blackness should be the starting point for any study of mobility. But we cannot just “add blackness and stir”; the editors insist that we must begin by interrogating the antiblackness at the heart of the U.S. immigration system. (P. 11.) It is only through this more profound inquiry that we can begin to understand all borders and bordering processes, and to combat the antiblack violence enabled and obscured by the vast silence that greets questions of blackness and mobility. (Pp. 1, 14). Continue reading "Dismantling Silence Around Blackness and Mobility"
Aug 8, 2024 Ilya SominConstitutional Law
If one of the purposes of constitutional law is to protect liberty against abuses of government power, the War on Drugs must be regarded as one of America’s greatest constitutional failures. Over the last century, and especially since its expansion beginning with the Controlled Substances Act of 1968, the War on Drugs has led to thousands of needless deaths, the imprisonment of hundreds of thousands of people, and severe violations of civil liberties—all without doing much to curb the social problems of drug abuse and addiction. With rare exceptions, constitutional law has done little to curb these great evils.
In The Constitution of the War on Drugs, David Pozen gives us the most through and insightful overview of this failure to date. As he demonstrates, there were a number of plausible constitutional arguments for curbing the War on Drugs that—if accepted by the courts—might have significantly limited at least the most severe abuses. But, for the most part, they were rejected. He also offers useful suggestions for future strategy by drug law reformers. Continue reading "The War on Drugs as a Constitutional Failure"
Aug 7, 2024 Christopher WalkerAdministrative Law
If it is true that the Roberts Court overrules one precedent per year, Humphrey’s Executor is likely one of its next targets. Nearly ninety years ago, the Supreme Court in Humphrey’s Executor upheld the constitutionality of statutory for-cause removal protections for the multimember heads of the Federal Trade Commission (FTC). That precedent allowed Congress to continue to insulate the leaders of so-called independent agencies from at will firing by the president. Many progressives view Humphrey’s Executor as critical for preserving expert-driven regulatory governance insulated from excessive politics. Many conservatives, by contrast, view Humphrey’s Executor as a direct threat to political accountability through presidential control.
As the debate over Humphrey’s Executor intensifies, one may reasonably wonder whether independent agencies are as great as progressives believe or as dangerous as conservatives fear. In The Independent Agency Myth, Neal Devins and David Lewis shed some important empirical light on those questions. Based on two large surveys of agency officials, they conclude that “the independent agency model no longer works; most independent agencies are not particularly expert, not particularly influential, and their policies and policy-making processes are subject to (not insulated from) elected branch oversight and manipulation.” (P. 1309.) This conclusion is reminiscent of my colleague Dan Crane’s take that today’s FTC “bears almost no resemblance to the Progressive-technocratic vision articulated by the [Humphrey’s Executor] Court. The Commission is not politically independent, uniquely expert, or principally legislative or adjudicative.” Continue reading "A World Without Humphrey’s Executor?"
Aug 6, 2024 Elizabeth C. TippettWork Law
In her new book, Racial Emotion at Work, Tristin Green discusses the social science regarding our emotions about race and racism and what it implies about our interactions at work. (P. 28.) This research goes beyond the more familiar research on implicit bias, cognitive biases, and automatic associations.
Green examines, for example, the anxiety white people face in interracial interactions (P. 43), and how they avoid such interactions. (P. 45.) She also examines research suggesting that Black men and women are more likely to view adverse reactions through a racial lens but are reluctant to share those experiences with others. (Pp. 38-39, 112-15.)
In so doing, Green criticizes the cultural tendency to prioritize the racial emotions of white people—in particular, the fear of being called “racist”—over the lived experience of Black men and women who experience adverse treatment. To illustrate, she turns to Title VII jurisprudence: for example, in a case where the plaintiff called a supervisor “racist in front of subordinate staff,” the court took that as enough for a legitimate non-discriminatory basis for discipline. (P. 82.) Continue reading "Racial Emotions As Symptoms of Systemic Bias"
Aug 5, 2024 Carol Necole BrownProperty
Noah M. Kazis,
The Radical Fair Housing Act, 111
Va. L. Rev. __ (forthcoming, 2025), available at
SSRN (February 27, 2024).
Is geography fate, as Ralph Ellison proclaimed; is geography our destiny; does it determine our life’s course? I tend to think so because my own personal life story has been incredibly, indelibly, positively impacted by geography. Perhaps this is why I was drawn to share Noah M. Kazis’ forthcoming article, The Radical Fair Housing Act. In his article, Professor Kazis describes the radical features and nature of the Fair Housing Act (FHA) that call into question whether housing markets should be restructured in pursuit of housing equality rather than conceding that housing equality may only be pursued within existing structures.
While some take the view that housing discrimination and segregation continue to persist, that an adequate stock of affordable housing continues to elude most communities, and that this evidences the failures of the FHA, Kazis’ approach is different, fresh, and yes, even hopeful. He has chosen to focus on the FHA’s strengths and its “structural ambitions” that make the FHA’s approach to discrimination “broader, more searching, and already more structural” than Title VII’s anti-discrimination approach. (P. 16.) This is not to say that Kazis ignores the FHA’s weaknesses; rather, he chooses to focus on the FHA’s “radical ambitions” because only by recognizing the distinctive nature of the FHA’s structure and approach to housing discrimination, can the FHA’s breadth and strength be fully appreciated and built upon. Continue reading "Perhaps Geography is Everything"
