Category Archives: Constitutional Law
Mar 18, 2026 Blake EmersonConstitutional Law
Nathaniel Donahue,
Officers at Common Law, 135
Yale L. J. __ (forthcoming, 2026), available at
SSRN.
The unitary executive is on the march. Since the Founding, there has been ongoing—and sometimes fierce—debate concerning the nature and scope of the President’s powers to control, direct, and fire executive and administrative officials. Proponents of the unitary executive argue for a high, if not complete, degree of presidential control. Proponents of executive pluralism argue that Congress has discretion to insulate various officers, employees, and agencies from presidential direction. Over the past 15 years, the Roberts Court has adopted an increasingly deep commitment to the unitary view.
The second Trump administration has taken advantage of this development to fire executive branch officials and to assert power to transform the bureaucracy and even dismantle administrative agencies. In Trump v. Wilcox, the Court stayed district court injunctions on Trump’s removal of members of the independent National Labor Relations Board and the Merit Systems Protection Board, despite statutory restrictions on their removal. In balancing the equities, the Court concluded that “the Government faces greater risk of harm from an order allowing a removed offer to continue exercising her statutory duty than a wrongfully terminated officer faces from being unable to perform her statutory duty.” The rights and duties of the President to control other officers now apparently outweigh those officers’ rights and duties to carry out the law. The Court thus seems to be preparing, in Trump v. Slaughter, to overrule Humphrey’s Executor and expand the President’s power to fire the heads of independent agencies. Continue reading "Official Responsibility Against the Unitary Executive"
Feb 17, 2026 Leah LitmanConstitutional Law
Genevieve Lakier,
Enforcing the First Amendment in an Era of Jawboning, __
Univ. Chi. L. Rev. __ (forthcoming, 2026), available at
SSRN (Mar. 01, 2025).
Too often, our “free speech culture” gloms together private censorship and state-sponsored censorship. These things are not the same. Only one of them is prohibited by the First Amendment, and failing to differentiate between the two runs the risk of collapsing the distinction between censorship, on one hand, and on the other, private citizens exercising their own First Amendment rights (sometimes by choosing who to associate with or who to support).
That’s not to say there aren’t “free speech” risks from private power—especially in an era where control of major media outlets is concentrated in the hands of a few. And there are hard cases where it may not be clear who is driving the censorship—state actors or private ones. Continue reading "Throwing the Supreme Court/Free Speech A Bone"
Jan 19, 2026 Lorianne Updike SchulzkeConstitutional Law
The Founding was for Whites. Or so it would seem, according to most contemporary histories or legal accounts of the era. Black Writers of the Founding Era, edited by Jim Basker and Nicole Seary, adds important color to that history. This edited volume is the most comprehensive compilation of Black-authored editorials, letters, court petitions, sermons, and poems to date, and the first such compilation of Black writings during the Founding in over 50 years.
Very few Black men and women at the Founding were literate. Whereas 90% of the white population was literate in 1790, roughly 90% of the Black population at the Founding were enslaved, and a very small percentage of the entire Black population (5-10%) was literate. In two states—South Carolina and Georgia—teaching an enslaved person to read and write was illegal. The few extant Black writings have been difficult to find, or out of print. The paucity of Black writings from the Framing has inevitably led to their absence in historical and legal accounts. As a result, it has been assumed that the Founding was not for them: the Constitution was not theirs, and the Revolution was fought only for those they served ala. In part, this has led many to conclude, ala Justice Thurgood Marshall’s famous Bicentennial speech, that “We the People” excluded Black Americans and turn to alternative narratives of American history like the 1619 Project. Continue reading "Adding Color to the Founding"
Dec 5, 2025 Helen NortonConstitutional Law
Guy-Uriel Charles, Luis Fuentes-Rohwer, & Farris Peale,
Reconstructing (The Law of) Democracy (Jun. 25, 2025), available at
SSRN.
Can the law of democracy save democracy? Maybe—but not if we’re counting on the courts to save us, answer Guy Uriel-Charles, Luis Fuentes-Rohwer, and Farris Peale in their thought-provoking (and sobering) article, Reconstructing (The Law of) Democracy. Their paper’s key insight observes that today’s most important election law cases involve questions of “partisan existentialism” that are not only entirely absent from earlier election law disputes, but are also beyond courts’ capacity to resolve.
The authors start by explaining why one might have thought that the courts could help us escape from today’s democratic dysfunctions. They describe the series of mid- to late 20th-century malapportionment, ballot access, and related election law decisions in which the Court was understood as protecting representative democracy from certain democratic dysfunctions. The “perceived success” of that series of cases—which began with Baker v. Carr and continued through Reynolds v. Sims and Williams v. Rhodes, among others—“helped to develop a foundational view: that the Court both could and should intervene to prevent breakdowns in the systems of representative democracy.” Continue reading "Can the Law of Democracy Save Democracy?"
Nov 7, 2025 Mae KuykendallConstitutional Law
In her new book The Age of Choice: A History of Freedom in the Modern World (hereinafter Choice), historian Sophia Rosenfeld has added an engaging new book to her body of work tracing “ideas and assumptions” in liberal democracies.” As is her usual approach, Rosenfeld devotes her skills to recovering popular thought that shapes cultures, rather than to the ideas of major thinkers in the canon of liberal thought. In her brief summary of the primary points in The Age of Choice, she calls herself “a historian of the taken-for-granted.” Here, the taken-for-granted phenomenon is the modern tendency to treat “choice” as a guiding light in our individual and collective lives.
Her scholar’s duty persuades Rosenfeld to provide evaluative commentary on the cultural habits she has served up for inspection. Elsewhere, Rosenfeld—perhaps responding to the choice-glutted, time-starved world her readers inhabit—has offered five key insights from the book. In the list, she opens the door to our seeing downsides to “our reliance and faith in choice.” The door to some evaluation of choice is presented by her foregrounding of women as drivers of “the equation between freedom and choice.” More on that opening follows below. Continue reading "A History Lesson"
Oct 8, 2025 Andrea KatzConstitutional Law
Christine Kexel Chabot,
Rejecting the Unitary Executive, __
Utah L. Rev. __ (forthcoming, 2025), available at
SSRN (Sept. 21, 2024).
It’s no secret that the President is having a great run in court. Over the last two decades, the Roberts Court has protected the office from legal process; built out presidential control over foreign affairs, national security, and the hiring, firing, and oversight of officers; and recently hinted it would go further by extending the president’s power to independent agencies. Behind these cases lurks the theory of the unitary executive, which reads the Constitution to give the President far-reaching powers over the executive branch, including the power to fire officers at will. First advanced in modern form by lawyers in the Reagan administration, the theory inspired a generation of originalist scholars who claimed it as an authentic account of the Framers’ thought. Since then, scholars have sharply pushed back, pointing out that the theory is anachronistic, an overreading of the text, and contradicted by early American history and practice. Despite the controversy, the Roberts Court, untroubled, continues to apply it.
Enter Christine Kexel Chabot’s forthcoming article Rejecting the Unitary Executive, which poses the provocative question: What if we required proof that the Founding generation actually believed in a unitary executive? Rejecting does just that, with illuminating results. Applying philosopher Karl Popper’s theory of empirical falsifiability to the realm of legal history, Professor Chabot subjects unitary theory to a rigorous test. In her words, the theory’s main claim is that Continue reading "Falsifying the Unitary Executive: Popperian Empiricism and History’s Uses and Misuses"
Sep 8, 2025 Lyrissa B. LidskyConstitutional Law
In the face of mass digital data harvesting and manipulation, the need for effective data privacy protection is imperative. In Data as Likeness, Professor Zahra Takhshid offers new legal tools to address this need by urging us to reconceptualize one of the common law privacy torts, namely, the tort of appropriation of name or likeness. Her contribution, however, is not limited to reconceptualizing the appropriation tort. She also offers valuable insights into how to secure Article III standing for data privacy harms.
Takhshid’s reconceptualization is built on the insight that “[o]ur digital persona or likeness is our personal data.” Thus, appropriation of our data is an appropriation of our likeness, worthy of compensation through tort law. Takhshid’s reconceptualization turns the appropriation tort into a means to hold Big Tech and others accountable for their ubiquitous collection and transmission of personally identifiable data, which, according to Takhshid, constitute wrongful exploitation of the individual. This approach would also treat deepfake creation, geolocation data collection, and the deployment of facial-recognition technology as exploitations of digital persona. Continue reading "Are You the Sum of Your Data? Appropriation of Digital Persona as Appropriation of Likeness"
Jul 25, 2025 Ilya SominConstitutional Law
In the Insular Cases of the early twentieth century, the Supreme Court ruled that much of the Constitution does not apply to America’s “unincorporated” overseas territories, such as Puerto Rico and other territories acquired as a result of the Spanish-American War of 1898. Thus, the federal government could rule the people there without being constrained by a variety of constitutional rights. Only “fundamental” rights were held to constrain the federal government’s powers over the inhabitants of these territories, while other constitutional constraints on federal power did not apply. In a 2022 concurring opinion, Supreme Court Justice Neil Gorsuch urged the Court to overrule these decisions. Prominent originalist legal scholar Michael Ramsey’s important new article explains why Gorsuch was right.
Ramsey compellingly demonstrates that the Insular Cases were wrongly decided, at least from an originalist standpoint. And his argument has potential implications that go beyond the status of people living in “unincorporated” territories. There have been various previous critiques of the Insular Cases. But Ramsey’s is the first systematic scholarly dismantling undertaken from an originalist perspective. Continue reading "Originalism and the Insular Cases"
Jun 27, 2025 Leah LitmanConstitutional Law
Laura Portuondo,
Gendered Liberty, __
Geo. L.J. __ (forthcoming), available at
SSRN. (March 25, 2024).
In Gendered Liberty, Prof. Laura Portuondo presents a doctrinal puzzle: While claims to individual liberty are in decline in some spaces, they are ascendant in others. As Portuondo describes things, constitutional law has become increasingly hostile to claims by people who seek to defy gendered stereotypes. That includes the women who, for whatever reason, do not want to become mothers when they are pregnant, as well as the women whose lives, health, or fertility would be in jeopardy if they became mothers. The Supreme Court overruled their claims to liberty in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization.
At the same time, however, the Court has embraced the liberty claims of people who seek to enforce gendered stereotypes (and thereby diminish the liberty of those who seek to defy them). Portuondo points to the Court’s decisions in Fulton v. City of Philadelphia and 303 Creative v. Elenis as examples of this phenomenon. Both cases allowed entities that objected to marriage equality to project their opposition to marriage equality onto the queer people who were defying gender stereotypes by marrying a person of the same sex. Portuondo also notes the rising tide of conscientious objector liberty claims to legal protections for the transgender community. In doing so, Portuondo persuasively debunks the Court’s insinuations (which were most apparent in 303 Creative) that regulation of conduct has “nothing to do with gender at all.” Continue reading "Free To Be You But Not Me?"
Jun 4, 2025 Leonid SirotaConstitutional Law
Preston Jordan Lim
, The Great Depression and Canada’s Major Originalist Decade, __
Osgoode Hall L.J. __ (forthcoming). available at
SSRN. (November 22, 2024).
If, as Adam Dodek once put it, originalism was long a “dirty word” in Canadian constitutional law, one reason for that was its perceived foreignness. Another was politics. As Colin Feasby has observed, for the judges and academics of the formative period after the enactment of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms in 1982, originalism was “a tool of conservative United States legal thinkers.” Preston Jordan Lim shows that they were quite wrong—and ignorant of their own history. Long before it was a gleam in Paul Brest’s eye, originalism was the method by which Great Depression-era Canadian scholars hoped to take their constitution back from the courts—or, more precisely, from the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council (effectively the British Empire’s supreme court, staffed mostly by the United Kingdom’s most senior judges), then the court of last resort for Canada.
Lim shows that “originalism constituted the primary theory of constitutional interpretation through which legal reformers” argued about the interpretation of what today is known as the Constitution Act, 1867—the text that contains most of the Canadian constitution’s key structural provisions. Admittedly, they did not have an especially clear theory of originalism. But it was their practice just the same. And one hardly needs to have parsed the interpretation-construction distinction or pondered whether there is something that interpretation just is to be an originalist—as the development of originalism in American law itself shows. Continue reading "Originalism, Eh?"
